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THE SPIRITUALITY OF JESUITS 



Music and the Jesuit Mission 
in the New World 



T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. 



WEILL LIBRAR' 



BX3701 S88 
v.39:no.3(2007:fall) 
11/12/2007 
Current Periodicals 



Vw**. s, 






AUTUMN 2007 



THE SEMINAR ON JESUIT SPIRITUALITY 

The Seminar is composed of a number of Jesuits appointed from their provinces in the United 
States. 

It concerns itself with topics pertaining to the spiritual doctrine and practice of Jesuits, 
especially United States Jesuits, and communicates the results to the members of the provinces 
through its publication, Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits. This is done in the spirit of 
Vatican I Is recommendation that religious institutes recapture the original inspiration of their 
founders and adapt it to the circumstances of modern times. The Seminar welcomes reactions or 
comments in regard to the material that it publishes. 

The Seminar focuses its direct attention on the life and work of the Jesuits of the United 
States. The issues treated may be common also to Jesuits of other regions, to other priests, reli- 
gious, and laity, to both men and women. Hence, the journal, while meant especially for Ameri- 
can Jesuits, is not exclusively for them. Others who may find it helpful are cordially welcome to 
make use of it. 

current Members of the seminar 

Richard A. Blake, S. J., is chairman of the Seminar and editor of Studies; he teaches film studies 

at Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Mass. (2002). 
James T. Bretzke, S.J., teaches theology at the University of San Francisco, San Francisco, Cal. 

(2006) 
Gerald T. Cobb, S.J., teaches English at Seattle University, Seattle, Wash. (2007) 
Patrick J. Howell, S.J., is vice-president for Mission and Ministry at Seattle University, Seattle, 

Wash. (2006) 
Mark S. Massa, S.J., teaches theology and is director of the American Catholic Studies Program 

at Fordham University, Bronx, N. Y. (2006) 
Thomas Massaro, S.J., teaches moral theology at Weston Jesuit School of Theology, Cambridge, 

Mass. (2006) 
Gerald L. McKevitt, S.J., teaches history at Santa Clara University, Santa Clara, Cal. (2005) 
Philip J. Rosato, S.J., is senior fellow at the Woodstock Theological Center, Washington, D.C. 

(2005) 
Thomas J. Scirghi, S.J., teaches liturgy at the Jesuit School of Theology at Berkeley, Berkeley, 

Cal. (2007) 
Thomas Worcester, S.J., teaches history at the College of the Holy Cross, Worcester, Mass. 

(2007) 
Michael A. Zampelli, S.J., teaches theater and dance at Santa Clara University, Santa Clara, Cal. 

(2007) 

The opinions expressed in Studies are those of the individual authors thereof. Parentheses des- 
ignate year of entry as a Seminar member. 

Copyright © 2007 and published by the Seminar on Jesuit Spirituality 

Business Office Editorial Office 

Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits Faber House 

3601 Lindell Blvd., St. Louis, MO 63108 102 College Road 

Tel. 314-633-4622 Chestnut Hill, MA 02467-3841 

Fax 314-633-4623 Tel. 617-552-0860; Fax 617-552-0925 

E-mail ijs@jesuitsources.com E-mail fleminpb@bc.edu 



Music and the Jesuit Mission 
in the New World 



T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. 



studies in the SPIRITUALITY OF JESUITS 

39/3 • AUTUMN 2007 



the first word . . . 

A very long time ago, as a lowly T.A., I spent a summer helping my dissertation 
advisor at Northwestern with his "Introduction to Film Class." We met at eight in the 
morning to avoid the worst of the unbearable heat in the converted attic store room 
that served as our classroom. That particular summer, perhaps 1969 or 1970, the gold- 
en age of summer schools, the class of fifty must have included at least ten identifiable 
Church people in various forms of religious garb. A stranger, walking into class before 
the morning caffeine kicked in, might suspect he had taken a wrong turn at the Loop 
in Chicago and wound up at Notre Dame. 

The professor, a courteous, sensitive man of no particular religious commit- 
ment that I could ever detect, finally let his curiosity overcome his reserve and asked 
me to explain why the Catholics had taken over his class. He knew that I was a priest, 
and perhaps he thought I could open a window into a world that remained quite mys- 
terious and foreign to him. His question caught me with my lens cap on. Wasn't it 
obvious? I told him that many progressive Catholic schools had begun to use films as 
teaching aids for religion classes, and some colleges had even formed cinema clubs to 
raise religious issues with students. Not content to let it go while still ahead, I add- 
ed, "and of course Catholics have had a long history with the Legion of Decency." "I 
see," he replied through his pipe smoke, like a good Rogerian analyst waiting to see if 
I would say something that made sense. As I look back on it, my reply was not only 
silly; it was dishonest, since I wasn't interested in pursuing either of those objectives 
myself. It remains a good question: What were we doing there? 

In some form, questions like my mentor's continue to hover in the background 
for many of us as we pursue our own professional work. Does what I'm doing really 
have any connection to the work of the Church and the Society? Jesuits involved in 
directly pastoral work probably have an easier time of it, even though even for them 
there may be days when frustration and administrative duties lead them to ask if this 
work has any bearing on the Kingdom. 

Education, however, without a doubt raises the most challenging questions. 
Why go into advanced studies anyway? For a while, the phrase "hyphenated priest" 
had some currency, but it seems to have dropped out of the discourse of the day. It al- 
ways suggested to me a kind of clerical schizophrenia, as though one is a priest at the 



m 



altar or in a counseling room, but something else during the rest of the work day. Oc- 
casionally one heard the "union card" apologia. This justifies the Ph. D. as a path to a 
faculty appointment, which in turn brings greater access to students during their col- 
lege years. This line of reasoning always seemed to reduce intellectual work to another 
facet of campus ministry. Living in the residence halls and fraternizing with students 
was the ultimate goal. Writing articles, attending seminars, and teaching classes were 
the secular means needed to achieve priestly goals. And are those men whose profes- 
sional duties limit their pastoral ministries somehow less priests and less involved 
with the work of the Church and Society? 

We are not alone in our dilemma. Here's an interesting set of parallels to chew 
over. After a good number of years behind a desk or lectern, it is possible that a priest 
facing a complicated marriage case might simply refer the matter to a canon law- 
yer, who knows what he's doing. That seems only reasonable, even though it may be 
surprising to someone told to "see a priest" and believes all priests come in the same 
size, shape, and flavor. To go one step further, can one legitimately (or prudently) 
take a pass when contacted about counseling, spiritual direction, retreats, or prepar- 
ing an adult for baptism? Or more concretely still, how can one judge the appropri- 
ate amount of time to be devoted to "pastoral" work that is not part of one's primary 
assignment? In many instances academics have become specialists. Now here's the 
parallel. Think of an ophthalmologist or psychiatrist suddenly faced with someone 
stricken with a heart attack or a woman going into labor. His best medical judgment 
might be to get a doctor who knows how to treat the patient, since his own practice 
has made him lose touch with cardiology and obstetrics. Similarly, a top Wall Street 
lawyer might take a bit of heat from her family for refusing to represent her brother- 
in-law in traffic court. No truly professional, doctor, lawyer, or priest, can be expected 
to meet everyone's expectations of them. Some expectations people lay on them are 
simply unrealistic, as are the expectations we place on one another and ourselves. 

Some fields of study more readily provide a resolution to the dilemma than 
others. Theologians would probably be called upon to justify their work in terms of 
ministry only on rare occasions. Theology fits the sacerdotal image. Who would ques- 
tion the fact that the Church needs theologians to train future priests, to educate lay 
people in Church teaching, and to articulate those beliefs to a secular world? The work 
itself seems "priestly" enough, and few Catholics, I would imagine, would need a tally 
sheet of Sunday parish calls, confessions, or parlor duty before accepting the man as 
a real priest. When we think about it, even with theology the fit is not quite perfect. 



IV 



Some factions in the Church see the work of theology as solely catechetical, others as 
a field of pure research, and most as something in between. We've been debating the 
notion of Catholic theology and Catholic identity for years, and probably will continue 
to do so. Theological gray areas are there, but navigable. 

A few areas of study, though not directly theological, piggyback on the same 
rationale, like counseling, social work, and psychology in its many forms. Philosophy 
is still perceived by many as an appropriate seminary subject, much to the outrage of 
philosophy professors, who have been rebelling against referring to their field as "the 
handmaid of theology" since Descartes cogitated himself into being. With the empha- 
sis on faith-and-justice issues in the past few decades, Jesuits in the social sciences 
tend to get a pass fairly easily, too. Sociology and economics fit snugly into the Soci- 
ety's contemporary mission, and maybe even anthropology and political science, too. 
Communication might be acceptable, as long as its objective is seen as homiletic or 
ethical. Even lawyers, the targets of endless character assassinations, can be accepted 
as furthering the Church's mission, but only if pro bono work and social-justice issues 
form the core of their work. 

But some of us academics still have a pretty hard time explaining what we do 
as a priestly ministry in the Society. Not everyone in the hard sciences works in areas 
that address world-health, hunger, or life issues. For the majority of historians and 
literature and art professors may treat Church-related topics on occasion, but for most 
of them religion remains a peripheral issue and only pops up on occasion in their 
classes. And not everyone plans to take their skills overseas to ease the burdens of 
poverty for those who might otherwise lack the opportunities of education. From the 
outside, our work in labs and libraries really looks very much like the work of our secu- 
lar or atheist colleagues. 

It's really hard to explain to the skeptical that some of us believe that learn- 
ing for its own sake is a divine mission, very much at the heart of the human enter- 
prise. We've dedicated our professional and Jesuit lives to the task of perceiving, and 
understanding and appreciating the wonders of Creation. And we remain convinced 
that this is quite congruent with the mission of the Church and the Society, even if the 
work immediately brings no converts into the Church and rights no injustice. Over 
the long term, the Church needs a vigorous intellectual life thriving within its ranks, 
both lay and clerical, if it is to continue to relate to the secular world. Think of the dire 
consequences in the past, and imagine those in the future, when the Church failed to 



speak its message to the ambient world, simply because it lost interest in listening to 
contemporary languages and examining the ideas it finds increasingly uncongenial. 

These kinds of questions form a kind of unspoken subtext for the essay in this 
issue of Studies. The Jesuit musicians T. Frank Kennedy describes no doubt loved 
their work, but at the same time they seem to have had clear ecclesial goals in mind. 
For them music formed a bond with the indigenous peoples they were introducing to 
Christianity. Yes, they found wonder in the music, but they would have no trouble ex- 
plaining to outsiders, both within and outside the Church, why they dedicated them- 
selves to their art, why they taught it to others, and how it related to their role in the 
Church. In a word, they were willing to use their art to achieve pastoral objectives. 

In the twenty-first century the linkage might not be as clear. T. Frank has ded- 
icated his considerable skills as a research scholar to reconstructing the music from 
this period so that we, his contemporaries, can understand what our predecessors 
were able to accomplish both as musicians and as churchmen. The task demanded 
long, silent hours in dusty libraries and suffocating cathedral archives. The apostolic 
dimensions of his work are not quite as self-evident as those of the Jesuits of an earli- 
er generation whose contributions he describes in this essay. With a bit of reflection, 
however, what he has done is provide an illuminating insight into the relationship 
between art and faith, between human achievement and God's involvement in our en- 
deavors. It might prompt us more literary types to read "God's Grandeur" once again. 

A few second words . . . 

The fall issue traditionally marks the transitions in the Seminar for Jesuit Spirituality. 
Even though it may be more than a trifle presumptuous on my part, I'd like to thank 
our graduating class on behalf of the entire Assistancy. Their generosity, critical skills, 
and wisdom made the Seminar work. A collective tip of the biretta, then, to Jim Ber- 
nauer, who continues teaching philosophy at Boston College, to T. Frank Kennedy, au- 
thor of this monograph, to Bill Reiser, and Tom Schubeck, who remain at their teach- 
ing posts in the Theology Departments of Holy Cross and John Carroll University 
respectively. Thanks for your collaboration and friendship over the last three years. 

Last spring we nominated a strong roster of candidates, and after a round of 
consultations with the Jesuit provincials at the end came up with four new members. 
Let me introduce them: 



VI 



Gerry Cobb, Oregon Province, teaches English and serves as associate dean in 
the College of Arts and Sciences at Seattle University. He also chaired the committee 
that oversaw planning for the stunning new chapel of St. Ignatius on the campus. 

Tom Scirghi, New York Province, is associate professor of liturgical theology at 
the Jesuit School of Theology at Berkeley. He is co-author with (Alejandro Garcia- Ri- 
vera, also of JSTB) of the forthcoming book Living Beauty: The Art of Liturgy. 

Tom Worcester, New England Province, is associate professor of history at the 
College of the Holy Cross, where he specializes in the cultural and religious history of 
early-modern France and Italy. He is editor of the forthcoming Cambridge Companion 
to the Jesuits. 

Mike Zampelli, Maryland Province, is associate professor of theater and dance 
at Santa Clara University. As a historian of theater and director, he has retrieved and 
staged several early Jesuit operas, some in collaboration with T. Frank Kennedy, in- 
cluding Zipoli's San Ignacio de Loyola, which will be performed during the fall season 
this year. 

One has to be struck by the breadth and diversity of the interests the new 
members will bring to the Seminar. We can look forward to their contributions to our 
work over the next three years. And again on behalf of all the Jesuits of the Assistan- 
cy, many thanks for adding this project to your already crowded schedule. 

Richard A. Blake, S.J. 

Editor 



Vll 



CONTENTS 

Introduction 1 

I. Jesuit Music 3 

A Unity of Vision 4 

Recovery of a Tradition 6 

II. Cathedral Music and Mission Music 8 

The Contribution of Domenico Zipoli 9 

Liturgical Settings 9 

Theater and Opera 11 

III. From Europe to the New World 12 

Crossing an Ocean 14 

Music and Catechetics 15 

Jesuit Catechisms 17 

Jesuits and Oratorians 19 

Conclusion: A Theological Perspective 21 

Appendix 24 



IX 



T. Frank Kennedy, S.J., is the Peter Canisius Profes- 
sor of Humanities and Music at Boston College, where 
he also chairs the Department of Music and serves as 
director of the Jesuit Institute. His special interest in 
Latin American music of the colonial period and early 
Jesuit operas as a function of the tradition of theater 
in Jesuit schools has led not only to archival research 
throughout Latin America and Europe but to the stag- 
ing and performance of many little-known early com- 
positions. Among his many publications are his two- 
volume editorial collaborations with John OMalley, 
S.J. and Gauvin Bailey, The Jesuits and The Arts, 
1540-1773 (Saint Joseph University Press, 2003) and 
The Jesuits II: Cultures, Sciences and the Arts, 
1540-1773 (University of Toronto Press, 2006). 



Music and the Jesuit Mission 
in the New World 



Recent research has revealed an astonishing variety of musical 
settings employed by Jesuits of the Old Society, particularly in 
their ministries in the New World. In melding the finest tradi- 
tions of Europe and the indigenous forms, they created a body of 
music that included both liturgical celebrations in the cathedrals 
of capital cities and catechism lessons in the smaller towns and 
villages. 



Introduction 

In the 1970s Studies published The Place of Art in Jesuit Life by Pedro Ar- 
rupe and Clement J. McNaspy (5/3 April 1973), and Thomas D. Culley's pio- 
neering essay, A Study of the Musicians Connected with the German College in 
Rome during the lyth Century and of Their Activities in Northern Europe (Rome and 
St. Louis, 1970). Since then there has been a virtual avalanche of research con- 
cerning the Society's pre-suppression history, a great deal of which has covered 
areas within the fine arts where Jesuits and their collaborators have made their 
mark. The work of these two particular Jesuit scholars in the 1960s and '70s pre- 
pared the ground for later musicological and historical research now blossom- 
ing throughout the scholarly world. The great contributions of these men were 
to make both lay scholars and Jesuits aware of the great tradition in the fine 
arts that was cultivated by the Jesuits of the Old Society. Since that time not 
only has archival work yielded more information about Jesuits and music, but 
diligent and careful scholars have begun to find the musical scores that belong 
to this great tradition and make this music available through transcriptions 
and recordings. All of this scholarship clearly points in the direction of mission. 
There was always a reason for musical elaboration in Jesuit works, and it is now 
obvious that it is either more or less explicitly at the service of mission. 






T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. 



What is truly astonishing are the myriad ways that the early Jesuits 
used music in their apostolates. Most Jesuits today are aware of St. Igna- 
tius's prohibition against singing the Divine Office in common, as well as the 
curious ban of musical instruments in Jesuit houses. As we now know, the 
ban on chanting reflected Ignatius's desire for his men to be more available 
for ministry than chanting the office would allow. The more curious ban on 
musical instruments never seems to have been enforced with any rigor at 
all, even in Ignatius's time. We know how he used to invite Father Andre des 
Freux to play the harpsichord for him when he felt ill. However, at the very 
same time Jesuits used vocal music in the liturgy and other services requir- 
ing sacred music: the theater, the academic defenses of theology and philos- 
ophy, and to a vast extent the catechism. Neither was purely instrumental 
music banned, least of all in the missions of Paraguay, where it was used to 
build community, to weave together the social fabric of the Indian townships 
that in effect created the local culture of these famous reducciones. In this 
study many, but not all, of the musical examples and references will come 
from the music of these townships, as in this collection we find many of the 
examples of how Jesuits used the various musical genres in their works. 

I would like to propose and develop a broad hypothesis that in their 
incredibly varied attempts to work for the care of souls, the Jesuits, in their 
use of music, were captivated by the principal insight gleaned from the Spiri- 
tual Exercises of Ignatius, that the love of God is present and manifested in 
all things. In a sense I am reducing a very complex unfolding of the history 

of the Jesuit Order to a single 



^ ^— perspective, but nevertheless 

Note well the opening phrase of the a perspective that sheds light 

Jesuit Constitutions, which notes, on a search ' a J ourne ^ a wa ^ 

a/ ~ x . . 7 T of being, perhaps, that for Je- 

Our vocation is to travel. . . . Jesuits . f. , , ,. 

, , , suits implied a continual dis- 

were at home when they were on , A J _. r ^ 

7 cernment and testing or their 

mission. The journey was home. decisions, often referred to as 

^— — — — — ^^^^^— ^^^^^^— "our way of proceeding." There 

seems to be an end product in 
this constant effort at discernment that resulted rather consistently in what 
we might now call the creation of culture. Whether or not the Jesuits were 
aware of it, they became co-creators of local culture along with the local pop- 
ulation. This work revealed an understanding of the human person that was 
as true in the Jesuit enterprise in Rome, Spain, Germany, and the rest of Eu- 
rope, as it was in Brazil, Paraguay, Manila, or China, or anywhere else the Je- 



Music and the Jesuit Mission in the New World 



* 



suits went. Music was part of this enterprise in an ever-increasing manner, and 
it came to represent an icon of Jesuit activity in the early-modern period. 

What then is music? It is not only a score or a complex combination of 
meaningful sounds, but a place where we find ourselves attempting to know 
who we are and what we do. Some say that as we listen to music we are hearing 
our lives passing before us. There are then commonalities that link us not only 
to the past, but to all people of all time. Music can bridge gaps of mistransla- 
tion between cultures precisely because it disallows literal interpretations. Per- 
formance allows individuals as well as communities to name and rename them- 
selves. 1 Because of the commonalities that link humans through time via the 
musical experience, Jesuits seemed to find music so effective in their works. 

I want to suggest that this musical tradition not only amply characterized 
Jesuit chapels and colleges in Europe but also throughout the far-flung mission 
lands of the Old Society. What one discovers in the extant repertory is a con- 
tinuous process of reconciliation, that is, a continuous representation through 
the music of the eternal questions of human identity. Once again, this process 
of reconciliation is similar to the postmodern insight that there is no particular 
person or time or place, but that all humans share the same nature in whatever 
place and time. This reconciliation, as I call it, depends upon the famous "our 
way of proceeding," but in its basic modus also teaches the way of discernment 
as a method to find ones way in life, to all those who experience this process 
and not only to Jesuits themselves. While the Jesuits may have referred to this 
discernment in terms of finding the will of God, the others to whom the Jesuit 
was missioned might have been satisfied, at least initially, to experience a pro- 
cess that offered a method of finding how one should live one's life. Thus, the 
fine arts in Jesuit corporate culture became a way to convey meanings that bind 
and reconcile. 

I. Jesuit Music 

The representative musical examples I use belong to a vast repertory of 
music mostly found and used in Jesuit missions, but increasingly from 
European sources as well. I distinguish between what appear to be two 
separate repertories: the cathedral repertory and the mission repertory. It is 



1 See Carol E. Robertson, Musical Repercussions of 1492: Encounters in Text and 
Performance (Washington: Smithsonian, 1992), 24 f. 



* T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. 



important to begin by revisiting the meaning of the word mission to Jesuits of 
the Old Society. As Jesuit historian John O'Malley has shown us, today every- 
one has a mission statement, but the term mission was not generally used in the 
contemporary sense until the sixteenth century. The word mission in the ear- 
ly-modern period recovers its more ancient apostolic meaning. Before the six- 
teenth century the contemporary meaning of "mission" was conveyed by other 
terms and phrases like "propagation of the Faith" or "journeying to the Infidel." 
The Latin Vulgate Bible uses the Latin word missio in connection with the apos- 
tles and disciples of Jesus, but by the Middle Ages "missions" referred almost 
exclusively to relations that were internal to the Holy Trinity. Missions, then, 
were part of a technical theological vocabulary. The Jesuits were among the first 
to inaugurate the new, or maybe it is better to say revived, apostolic usage, and 
were responsible for its widespread propagation. 

In the subsequent years after the order's approval in 1540, in their corre- 
spondence among themselves, the Jesuits employed "mission journey" and "pil- 
grimage" almost as synonyms to designate travel for the sake of ministry. Ten 
years after the first approbation of Paul III, Ignatius had substantially complet- 
ed the Constitutions, in which he wrote about "the distribution of the members 
in the vineyard of the Lord," where the word "missioned" (being sent) emerged 
with prominence. Mission was now well on its way within the Society of Jesus 
to acquiring its contemporary meaning. Note well the opening phrase of the Je- 
suit Constitutions, which notes, "Our vocation is to travel. . . . 2 Jesuits were at 
home when they were on mission. The journey was home. 

A Unity of Vision 

Embedded within the music, art, and literary references that have come 
down to us are evidences of this vision. Overarching macrocosmic themes in the 
construction of the ecclesial community are evident in the microcosm of the ev- 
eryday culture of the indigenous townships of Latin American, as well as in court 
culture of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century China and even in the outreach to 
the Abenaki Indians in New France (Canada). Before considering some specific ex- 
amples, though, it is necessary to note once again that sense of the reconciliation 
of time and place that characterized the Jesuit idea of mission: that there are only 
God's place and God's time. One needs to admit that there is not essentially a cliff er- 



2 The Constitutions of the Society of Jesus (St. Louis: The Institute of Jesuit 
Sources, 1996), Part IV, Preamble, 130, #308. 



Music and the Jesuit Mission in the New World 



ence between a Jesuit mission in Europe, in New France, in China, in Florida, or in 
Paraguay. There cannot really be mission art, mission music, mission culture. There 
are only art for mission, music for mission, poetry for mission. Wherever you slice 
into the Jesuit enterprise, the essential is present, but the degree of adoption and 
accommodation is what one discovers to be slightly different. 

Musicological research within the burgeoning field of colonial Latin 
American musical studies in the last decade or so has led to the discovery and 
classification of a new musical genre that may now be referred to as Mission 
Music. 3 For a long time now, musicologists have been exploring the great ca- 
thedral archives that exist in Latin America: in Mexico City, Guatemala City, 
Santa Fe de Bogota, and Sucre in Bolivia. In the last fifteen years or so, corollary 
research focusing on the local traditions of the various missionary townships 
throughout Colonial Latin ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
America has begun to parallel 

the work in the great cathedral In S eneral {t was the mission Procurator 
archives. When in 1980 the pa- who received the requests for mo^re 

triarch of Latin American mu- European music manuscripts from the 

sicological research in the Colo- Jesuits in the field, although sometimes 
nial Period, Robert Stevenson, Jesuits wrote directly to friends 

published "The Last Musicolog- appealing for help. 

ical Frontier: Cathedral Music 

in the Colonial Americas," cer- 



tainly less than half of the cathedral archives had been examined very closely, 
but the course of research and publication had been set. 4 From that year on- 
ward, research and publication concerning the cathedral traditions have steadi- 
ly increased. 5 In addition to this research focusing on the music of the cathe- 
dral traditions in Latin America, however, a corollary research focusing on the 
local traditions of the various missionary townships throughout Colonial Lat- 
in America has established this new musical genre, quite separate from the ca- 
thedral tradition. Another frontier perhaps? The Jesuit corporate enterprise in 



3 T. Frank Kennedy, S.J., "Latin American Colonial Music: The Case for Mis- 
sion Music as a New Genre," in Sonus: A Journal of Investigation into Global Musical 
Possibilities 21 no. 2 (2001): 27-38 

4 Robert Stevenson, "The Last Musicological Frontier: Cathedral Music in the 
Colonial Americas," in Inter-American Music Review 3 (1980): 49-54. 

5 Alfred E. Lemmon, "Cathedral Music in Spanish America," in Music in Spain 
during the Eighteenth Century, ed. Malcolm Boyd and Juan Jose Carreras (Cambridge, 
1998), 243-51. 



6 * T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. 



Latin America has provided fertile ground for the study of this genre, especial- 
ly in the music manuscripts from the Chiquitos archive in Bolivia. In addition, 
research on Jesuit music in China, in New France, and in the Philippines has 
been leading musicologists to a much broader understanding of non-cathedral 
sacred music, a much wider category than the sacred music strictly associated 
with the European and transplanted European cathedral tradition. 

Recovery of a Tradition 

A faint adumbration pointing towards a study of mission music can per- 
haps be traced from Charles Burney's A General History of Music of 1789, where 
he mentions the composer Domenico Zipoli (1685-1726) of Rome, along with 
several other notables of Italian music history roughly contemporary with 
him: Domenico Scarlatti (1685-1757), Domenico Alberti (1710-40), Domenico 
Paradies (1707-91), and Muzio Clementi (1752-1832). All of these were master 
performers and composers of keyboard music. 6 Burney's reference led to the 
question, What happened to Zipoli? Zipoli in fact, left his career as an organist 
and composer in early-eighteenth-century Rome to join the Society of Jesus in 
Spain in order to volunteer his services as a young novice to the far-flung mis- 
sions of the Jesuit Province of Paraguay. Domenico Zipoli is a key figure in the 
appropriation of mission music as a new musical genre, not only because he is 
first singled out by Burney, but also because of the publication and dissemina- 
tion of his Sonate d'intavolatura per organo e cembalo, published at Rome in 1716, 
and more especially at London by John Walsh in successive editions from 1725 
through 1755. The question of Zipoli's whereabouts remained unanswered until 
the twentieth century. 

Renewed interest in Domenico Zipoli began in 1942 with the publication 
of the Argentine Jesuit historian Guillermo Furlong Cardiff's "Siete grandes 
maestros de la musica colonial Rioplatense." 7 A long succession of articles first 
trickled, then flowed with greater regularity throughout the 1980s and '90s, but 
especially after the discovery of some of Zipoli's Latin American oeuvres in the 
archive that contains music of the Chiquitos and Moxos in present-day Bolivia. 
In addition to manuscript copies of Zipoli's Sonate d'intavolatura from Europe, 



6 Charles Burney, A General History of Music, 1789 (New York: Dover reprint, 
1957), 11:424. 

7 Guillermo Furlong Cardiff, "Siete grandes maestros de la musica colonial rio- 
platense," in Boletin de la Academia Nacional de la Historia (Argentina) 16 (1942): 59- 
76. 



Music and the Jesuit Mission in the New World # 



Masses, motets, vespers, psalms, and music for the stage have been discovered 
among these archives. While the 1987 discovery and publication of the first 
piece of musicological research concerning Zipoli's "new world" music has given 
an impetus to study further this archive, and indeed other archives also asso- 
ciated with non-cathedral traditions throughout Latin America, this first title, 
"Colonial Music from the Episcopal Archive of Concepcion, Bolivia, proved to 
be a misnomer. 8 While the archive belongs to what is now the cathedral church 
of the Roman Catholic bishop of Nuflo de Chavez, in colonial times this church 
was only one of a number of Jesuit mission churches for the Chiquito Indians. 

Intense musicological research and reflection has taken place since 1988. 
With the recovery, performance, and study of this music from Bolivia, anthro- 
pological and ethnomusicological perspectives have brought to light more cul- 
tural and musical facets than anyone thought possible eighteen years ago. New 
insights and new questions appropriate to our postmodern situation have sur- 
faced. Recent studies, conferences, and festivals of this music have brought to- 
gether scholars from all over 
Latin America and beyond, but 

the impetus has come from a There was no hesitation in rearranging 
cadre of young scholars who music for the missions depending on the 
have begun with studies of the available instruments and singers. 

mission music from Chiquitos. ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
They also have been successful 

in widening their circle to stimulate research in mission music all over South, 
Central, and even North America. Some of the important musical and cultural 
questions that have been posed in this research have now encouraged scholars 
all over Latin America not only to discover and examine the available music as- 
sociated with the mission towns, but to do this within what might be called a 
context of juxtapositions. Some of these juxtapositions — e.g., Westerner/Oth- 
er, musicology/ethnomusicology, oral tradition/written tradition, indigenous 
music/European music, and especially issues around the use of power in the 
context of colony/mission — at last have begun to address the real complexities 
of the historical realities. 



1 By T. Frank Kennedy, S.J., Latin American Music Review 9, no. 1 (1988): 
1-17. 



8 * T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. 



II. Cathedral Music and Mission Music 

We moved toward this distinction between cathedral and mission 
music in 1987 with the discovery of the music of the Chiquitos 
archive. In that archive was noted the presence of a significant 
amount of instrumental music as well as choral music. No cathedral collection 
in Latin America contained any significant amount of purely instrumental mu- 
sic. The fact leads us to ask why. Not only was Domenico Zipoli's keyboard mu- 
sic represented in this collection, but other notable European Baroque compos- 
ers as well; for example, Sonata by Arcangelo Corelli and Nicola Jomelli, along 
with a number of anonymous works written in the reductions. If we can begin 
to speak of Jesuit spirituality as a civic and culturally aware spirituality, as John 
O'Malley has suggested, perhaps we can begin to see that the institution of mu- 
sic within Jesuit apostolates, most clearly evident in the missions, played a role 
in this creation of culture. A decidedly this-world approach to spirituality, root- 
ed in the studio, humcmitatis of the classical texts that Jesuits brought and used 
around the world, fostered the creation of community centered on the common 
good in Jesuit works that went far beyond the idea of the Church as refuge or as 
the only place where we meet God. 

Almost from the beginning of the mission, there were musicians who 
came to Latin America. It was Manuel de Nobrega, sent to Brazil by St. Igna- 
tius in 1549, wno made the famous quotation, slightly modified by Hollywood 
in Roland Joffe's 1986 film The Mission, "Give me an orchestra of musicians and 
I will convert all the Indians for Christ." 9 Virtually all of the scores associated 
with the music we are discussing today, originally five thousand pages or so, 
were found in a remote corner of northern Bolivia in the episcopal archive of 
Concepcion, Chiquitos. Their discovery in 1987 has led to a virtual revolution in 
musical research in Latin America. As the years have gone by, an interest has in- 
creased among the musicological community, and another five thousand pages 
have been added to this repertory, mostly donated to the collection by indige- 
nous peoples who over generations have preserved these musical scores within 
their own families. It's important to realize where this music was found — in one 
of the most remote areas, and in churches that were among the more recently 



9 According to Juan Pedro Maffeo, S. J., Historia Indicarum . . . , 16 vols. (Lyons, ex officina iunctar- 
um, 1589), but cited in Jose Manuel Peramas, S. J., De vita et moribus trededm virorum Paraguaycorwn (Faen 
za, 1793), 430, n. 2. This also is cited in Guillermo Furlong, S. J., Musicos argentinos durante la domination his- 
panica (Buenos Aires, 1945), n 53. 



Music and the Jesuit Mission in the New World *\* 9 

founded communities of those reducciones. The remoteness and less harsh condi- 
tions of humidity among the Chiquitos probably helped in its preservation. 

The Contribution of Domenico Zipoli 

Domenico Zipoli (1688-1726) is the most famous among the Jesuit musi- 
cians of the famous Paraguay Province. In the extant music of these missions, 
his works represent, on the one hand, pieces that are utterly contemporary in 
the style of the mature Italian Baroque but, on the other hand, tailored to the 
needs and realities of the more than thirty mission towns of the province. Zi- 
poli was born in Prato near Florence, was organist at the Church of the Gesu in 
Rome, as well as at other Roman Jesuit institutions, before entering the Soci- 
ety in Seville on July 1716, at the age of twenty-eight. Zipoli left Cadiz for the 
Rio de la Plata basin April 1, 1717, not even a full year after entering the Society. 
Zipoli continued his course of studies in Cordoba, Argentina, completing them 
in 1725. He died most probably there in Codoba of tuberculosis on January 2, 
1726, while waiting for a bishop to ordain him. It does not seem likely, however, 
that Zipoli would ever have been sent to the reduction towns. In 1724, in a sec- 
ond set of informationes after he had completed theological studies, his talent 
for ministry among the Indians had slipped from having an aptitude for work 
either with the Spanish or the Indians from the earlier years, to simply a rat- 
ing of mediocre for mission work. All the other areas were fine; it may well have 
been that superiors were jealously guarding his presence at Cordoba in the col- 
legiate church. Cordoba was the seat of the province, a colonial city with a very 
active liturgical life. He was the perfect man to run that program, or it may sim- 
ply have been his age that kept him from being sent to one of the townships. 
It is a moot point in any event, since Zipoli's early death from tuberculosis left 
the province center as well as the townships without his talent. The inspiration, 
however, remained. 

Liturgical Settings 

The presence of volunteers from all over the global community of the Je- 
suit Order in the Paraguay Province no doubt challenged the Jesuits to search 
among themselves for a unity in diversity. Their own diversity coupled with the 
new world of the indigenous one posed a dynamic interchange that sought uni- 
ty. The Jesuits paid a great deal of attention to the talents and possibilities that 
lay within the Indian communities. This sensitivity led to a tailoring within the 
musical form that expanded and exploited the technical parameters of the mu- 
sic whenever possible, but at the same time respected the necessary inclusivity 
that the sense of the sacred texts implied. For example, the identifiable works 



io * T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. 



of Domenico Zipoli among the Conception manuscripts are, on the one hand, 
mature works in the Italian Baroque concertato style, and at the same time care- 
fully crafted according to the needs and realities of the mission towns and the 
possibility of their performing such works there. In the Vesper Psalm 111 (112), 
"Beatus Vir ," an opening ritornello of orchestra followed by chorus and soloist 
provides a highly sophisticated affective musical form situated within a com- 
mon Baroque procedure. 

Concertato style in the High Baroque refers to a formal style of soloists, 
chorus, and instruments playing together; ritornello is a device in Baroque mu- 
sic that indicates a return of original musical material, however it may be re- 
worked in the return, that implies alternation between one group of musicians 
and another, or one group and the whole group. Evidence that points toward 
a mission style here is the solo writing in comparison with the choral writing. 

The chorus performs simple ho- 



^ ^ ^^— ^^ mophonic texture while provid- 
In the hands of the indigenous in g accompaniment for an in- 

communities, rewriting, recomposing, credibly virtuosic soprano solo. 

and rearranging also exemplified the The choral settin § thou § h sim " 

7 _. r ., ... £ i7 pie, or at least much less virtuo- 

revelation of an identity for these .11 , 

, , , , , sic than the soprano, neverthe- 

peoples that they have not lost. , , , , . ,, 

r r ' less performs m a fashion that 

— — — - — —■ ^^^^^^^^^^— elegantly accompanies and com- 
ments on the text, not unlike an 
ancient Greek chorus of classical antiquity. Some general but not unimportant 
elements of mission style, then, appear to be a willingness to bring the most 
current, not to say fashionable, style possibilities of Europe to the forefront in 
the missions in a manner that creatively incorporates the exigencies as well as 
the vicissitudes of the situation at hand. The context of the music looms large, 
so much so that a sense of reconciliation of diverse and at times seemingly con- 
tradictory elements is achieved. 10 

The choral parts are much less virtuosic than the solo, but nev- 
ertheless express in a beautiful homophonic (simple chordal) texture 
a commentary on the opening words of the text. This type of writing 
by Zipoli is clearly moving towards what we have come to call mission 
style. Given the exigencies of most of the townships, it is probable that 



1C, T. Frank Kennedy, S.J., "Candide and a Boat," in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sci- 
ences and the Arts, 1540-1773, ed. O'Malley, Bailey, Harris, Kennedy (Toronto), 199, 
317-22. 



Music and the Jesuit Mission in the New World # 1 1 



the choral sections could not always, maybe not even usually, be virtu- 
osic. While the choral parts cleverly reinforce the text and accompany 
the soloist, at times not unlike the instruments, no matter how sim- 
ple the musical texture for the chorus may be, at the same time, it is 
evident that there were extraordinary indigenous soloists able to sing 
and play these truly difficult pieces. Another element that sets these 
pieces by Zipoli apart from other similar sacred pieces is the religious 
intensity that Zipoli applies to the normal Baroque word painting. In 
Psalm 111, "Beatus Vir," he begins with a long ascending melisma (many 
notes sung on one syllable of a word) on the words "take delight" (vo- 
let). One can note the dark color and repeated pleas for mercy on the 
very words of mercy — misericors, misereatur — while the word Justus is 
sung only once. The justice of God is presumed, but the mercy of God is 
repeatedly emphasized. Is there something about the human condition 
here, that we are certainly ready to believe that our God is just, but not 
always so sure he will be merciful? 

Theater and Opera 

But this is, of course, liturgical music; Psalm 111 is one of the traditional 
vesper psalms. What about a broader musical vision? Let's consider one of the 
chamber operas from the New World, a small work from the Paraguay Missions 
entitled San Ignacio, written by Zipoli and a later Jesuit contemporary, Martin 
Schmid. 

San Ignacio is a small chamber opera from those last years of the Paraguay 
Province, and became, for the twenty years or so before the expulsion of the 
Jesuits in 1767, a piece that captured the hearts of the Chiquitos in such a pro- 
found way that, long after the Jesuits were expelled from the Spanish domin- 
ions, this work continued to be performed by the indigenous peoples. The ear- 
liest manuscript tradition of this small opera dates from 1755 in the township 
of Santa Ana in Chiquitos. But this is without doubt an inherited tradition that 
certainly began much earlier in the Guarani townships. It is confirmed by the 
fact that fragments of the score existed in three of the Chiquito missions, one 
from Moxos, as well as written references to the work in the Guarani townships. 
The work was used over and over for various festivities: especially St. Ignatius 
Day and the visitation days of the provincial superiors. 11 The opera consists of 



1X I am grateful to my colleague Bernardo Illari of the University of Texas at 
Denton, who has prepared the score of San Ignacio, offered his insights, and collabo- 
rated with me on several productions of this magnificent little work. 



i2 % T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. 



two short acts, The Messenger and The Farewell. Act I represents the conversion 
and call of Ignatius and his beginning to learn how to discern the will of God. 
Act II represents Ignatius's response to God's call, his friendship with Francis 
Xavier, and his sending of Xavier on mission to the East to preach and baptize. 

Like most operas, it is about love. God as love sets Ignatius in motion, 
and the love of Christ that Loyola and Xavier share impels Francis to new worlds 
to share that good news. In act II, the only duet in the work is a love duet, or 
at least would be a love duet if it occurred in secular opera, but its context is 
changed with Ignatius and Xavier sharing the mission of love. Love is the force 
that is in all things. It represents the aims, the means, and the music of the Je- 
suits in South America. San Ignacio stands in the middle of several different 
cultures, creating a space for the confluence of differences and the understand- 
ing of peoples. Remember that the Indians heard the story of Ignatius sending 
Xavier to the missions from their own township perspectives. They too were 
called to mission. 

III. From Europe to the New World 

Another musical example from the missions I would like to include is a 
"Regina Coeli," a Marian antiphon written by the French composer Marc- 
Antoine Charpentier (1643-1704), who spent ten years of his life (from 
the mid-i68os to the 1690s) working for the Jesuits at the College de St. Louis-le- 
Grande in Paris. The interesting thing about this piece, though, is that it survives 
in two manuscripts, one in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, and the other, an 
autograph copy, in a collection of music that belonged to the Jesuit College in Que- 
bec, Canada. The church and college in Quebec served not only French families but 
Abenaki Indians as well. It is disarmingly beautiful. Can we call this mission style? 
Perhaps not in the same sense as the Zipoli pieces, as the circumstances of place and 
available performance forces differed greatly from a French college in Quebec and 
an indigenous township in Paraguay. The autograph manuscript also reveals anoth- 
er hand besides Charpentier s. The unknown hand writes, "He is the music master 
at our college in Paris." I can imagine some contemporary Jesuit in Paris deciding 
that this would be a good piece to send to Quebec, with or without Maestro Char- 
pentier's permission! 

In general it was the mission procurator who received the requests for 
more European music manuscripts from the Jesuits in the field, although 
sometimes Jesuits wrote directly to friends appealing for help. Sometimes the 
musical trade route is more mysterious. In light of this gradual creation of an 



Music and the Jesuit Mission in the New World ~X- 13 



authentic local musical tradition in the reducciones, including elements of de- 
velopment, assimilation, and adoption, the pieces that we know were brought 
in by the Jesuits from Europe in some sense are thrown into high relief as per- 
haps incorporating more curious elements. An anonymous psalm setting of the 
Vesper Psalm no. 112 (113), "Laudate pueri," also from the collection of manu- 
scripts in the episcopal archive of Concepcion, Chiquitos, is a particularly inter- 
esting, if not mysterious, example that can reveal to us this very intense life of 
exchange and creativity that occurred on a regular basis in the reducciones. This 
anonymous psalm setting among the Chiquitos manuscripts is in fact a copy of 
Psalm 112 as it was published in 1650 in Venice by Sister Chiara Margarita Coz- 
zolani, O.S.B. (1602-77), of Santa Radegonda Monastery in Milan. Margarita 
Cozzolani was the youngest daughter of a wealthy merchant family. She en- 
tered the Benedictine monastery and professed final vows in 1620, taking the 
religious name Chiara (Clare). Documents from St a Radegonda mention her es- 
pecially in connection with disputes with Archbishop Alfonso Litta in the mid- 
1660s over the regulation of music. She may well have served as maestra di cap- 
pella of one of the houses two choirs. Sister Clare was prioress in the 1660s and 
abbess from 1658 to 1659 an d again in 1672 and 1673. 

Psalm 112, "Laudate pueri," is one of the four usual psalms used in the tra- 
ditional Benedictine Vesper service. This particular psalm by Margarita Cozzo- 
lani, Psalmi a otto . . . motetti et dialoghi, 2-8w, be, op. 3 (Venice: Alessandro Vin- 
centi, 1650), is a poly choral psalm ^ ^^^^— ^^^^— 
setting that mixes full, two-choir Jhe overa \\ emphasis in the musical 
writing for the antiphon in the tut- cukure ofMs perfod wag fof . fl mage 

tis (everyone performing) and fre- ,., , -, . , . r 

7 . r 11 that supported a general catechesis of 
quent refrains, with the concertato 1 r . , 7 T 7 

, , , r ■• j the faith rather than merely 

solo and duet writing for the vers- ' 

es. This piece belongs to a group of liturgical practice. 

psalms that are among the larg- ^ — — ^^— ^^— 
est-scale and least-traditional settings of mid-seventeenth-century Milan. On 
listening to this psalm, one notices the way the opening phrase of the dou- 
ble chorus on the words "Laudate pueri, laudate," are repeated as a ritornello 
throughout, the piece. 

Interestingly enough, this psalm found its way to the missions of Para- 
guay and it exists in a manuscript (not printed) copy in Chiquitos that dates 
from the eighteenth century. While the style is purely mid-seventeenth-cen- 
tury Italian, the much later copy that exists in Chiquitos has been somewhat 
changed. The principal change lies in the fact that the basso continuo has been 
augmented by the addition of two violin parts, which is typical and totally con- 



14 * T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. 



sistent with the repertory of Chiquitos, but not present in the original 1650 
print. The term "basso continuo" refers to the compositional and performance 
practice style of music in the Baroque period (1600-1750). The basso continuo 
line is the bass line of the music over which are constructed the chords of the 
harmony that are usually played by the organ or harpsichord. Is the treatment 
of Cozzolani's Psalm 112 in this case embellishment or accommodation? Very 
often the pieces in Chiquitos and Moxos are rewritten for larger or smaller per- 
formance forces. This is particularly true of the masses of the Italian Baroque 
composer Giovanni Battista Bassani that are found in both archives. What is 
important here is that there was no hesitation in rearranging music for the mis- 
sions depending on the available instruments and singers. Another interesting 
element that makes this psalm an appropriate one for the repertory in Chiqui- 
tos is the fact that, though presenting itself as a piece for double chorus, most 
of the works in the Chiquito archive are for three voices with basso continuo, not 
the more usual four voices. This psalm is for two choruses of four voices each, 
but the bass voice is really only a doubling of the continuo line, and as long as 
the piece was performed with continuo instruments, the bass vocal line could 
have easily been dispensed with. This, of course, makes it even more appropri- 
ate for the Chiquito repertory, because the indigenous voices both then and 
now are often lacking a true bass tessitura and timbre. 

Crossing an Ocean 

But how did this piece get to the missions of Paraguay? We know that in 
the cartas anualesAi to Rome from the missions, often the Jesuits asked their 
colleagues at home to send the latest music that was available for the orchestras 
and choruses of the reducciones. This print from St a Radegonda's maestra may 
well have been one of the prints sent to Paraguay, where it then went through 
a process of being copied and sent around to the various mission towns. We 
don't know of a specific connection between the Society of Jesus and the nuns 
of St a Radegonda. It seems unlikely that there was a Jesuit chaplain there, as 
the natural, familial connection with Benedictines would have likely trumped 
any preference for a Jesuit chaplain. But it is not unreasonable to think that Je- 
suit confessors would have made regular but less permanent visitations to St a 
Radegonda. Connections through spiritual direction could have led some Jesuit 
director to a knowledge of these works by Sister Chiara Margarita. She certainly 
was a very well-known figure as a composer in her time. 

We also know that from the beginning of the Paraguay Province in 1607 
music was established by the first provincial, Father Diego de Torres del Bol- 
lo, S.J. Torres arrived in Peru in 1581 and was continually being named rector 



Music and the Jesuit Mission in the New World "\~ 1 5 



throughout Peru until he went to Paraguay in 1607. Torres worked in Juli in 
Alto Peru, a Jesuit township well known for its dexterous singers and instru- 
mentalists hired by the Society for its church there. In his 1610 instruction as 
provincial, he established that six to eight cantors be selected for each of the 
province churches. These singers would magnify the brilliance with which the 
feasts, masses, Salves, other Marian antiphons, and matins were to be celebrat- 
ed. Since this musical tradition was established in Paraguay so immediately and 
strongly and continued until the expulsion of the Society, it is not a surprise 
that first-rate works like those of Cozzolani (1602-1677) found their way to the 
musicians of the reducciones. 

Finally, this psalm setting by Cozzolani that has turned up so far from 
its source in northern Italy stands as another example of the flexibility and 
breadth of the Jesuit enterprise. It also directly attests to a living creativity that 
ensured that on a cultural level what happened in these townships was not ulti- 
mately imposed. The templates brought from the European, Western tradition 
were exactly what they were — templates. In the hands of the indigenous com- 
munities, rewriting, recomposing, and rearranging also exemplified the revela- 
tion of an identity for these peoples that they have not lost. "Nuestro modo de 
proceder," one of the favorite and common phrases of the Society of Jesus, is 
not a rule written out and followed in detail. It is, of course, the Jesuit way of 
discernment, but at the same time helps each person and community to discov- 
er the deep humanity and connectedness inherent in the Christian enterprise. 

Music and Catechetics 

Another important aspect of mission music that contributes to its devel- 
opment as a genre is the breadth of this musical literature in terms of its func- 
tion. As noted, the music of the missions cannot be categorized within a nar- 
row ritual or liturgical function. The oldest mission repertory yet discovered is 
associated with the earliest missions in Brazil, beginning in 1549. As early as 
January 1550, a Jesuit Father, Joao de Azpilcueta Navarro, was using native 
melodies with Portuguese and Tupi Christian texts in order to catechize the in- 
digenous peoples, especially the youth. Unfortunately, the Jesuits were com- 
pelled after 1551 to de-emphasize the use of Indian melodies and instruments, 
and ultimately to abandon them. Bitter disputes among the Jesuits themselves 
about what they might or might not be communicating to the indigenous popu- 
lation by appropriating already existing tunes that used Indian texts that were 
not immediately translatable finally led to the Jesuits' opting for more caution 
in the use of indigenous tunes. 



i6 * T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. 



After 1553 European music was used to enhance the catechesis of the 
indigenous populations. 12 Henceforth appeared the tried and true practice of 
the contrafactum, the placing of new words to old music, but old music whose 
sources the Jesuits knew. Evidently, there were always some Indian youth who 
were trained to sing polyphony and play European instruments, but the over- 
all emphasis in the musical culture of this period was for a usage that support- 
ed a general catechesis of the faith rather than merely liturgical practice. The 
great hero/founder of Sao Paulo, Father Jose de Anchieta, was a major figure 
in this effort from 1553 to 1597. 

It may have been that the limita- 
Vie teaching of Christian doctrine as tions set on the Jesuit catechesis 

part of the Jesuit enterprise dates at f tne Indians after 1553 crippled 

least from Ignatius of Loyola's the integrity of the mission en- 

pilgrim years. terprise among the native Bra- 

^ ^ zilians. Or it may be partly the 

result of the economic focus of 



the Portuguese colonization. Or it may be partly the more limited vision im- 
posed on the Jesuit missionaries. Any of these causes may account for the lack 
of spontaneity, and ultimately the less successful apostolate the Jesuits expe- 
rienced in engaging the whole of the indigenous cultures in Brazil. There are 
many similarities between the Portuguese and Spanish missions, but the mood 
in the Brazilian encounter seems not to reflect the same sense of unity in diver- 
sity as in Paraguayan settlements. 

Nevertheless, the concept of the "sung catechism" is one of the oldest 
methods in the Society's long-standing tradition of catechizing and publish- 
ing catechisms. Part of the Society's success was in the method of borrowing 
and redefining in practical ways the apostolic initiatives from earlier traditions, 
particularly from the mendicant orders. The manner in which the lauda func- 
tioned in late Quattrocento Florence during the spiritual dictatorship of the 
Dominican Savonarola (1452-98) was a tradition that itself incorporated earlier 
Franciscan practices of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. This ancient 
lauda tradition reappeared in a new way in the Jesuits' attempt to use music in 
the teaching of Christian doctrine. This continuity yet redefinition of earlier 
monophonic (chantlike) and polyphonic (several voices in harmony) lauda tra- 
ditions assumed a life of its own throughout the early years of Jesuit history. 



12 For a complete discussion of the issues surrounding music used in Brazil in 
this earliest of missionary periods, see Paulo Castagna, "The Use of Music by the Je- 
suits in the Conversion of the Indigenous Peoples of Brazil," in O'Malley et al., eds., 
The Jesuits: Cultures . . . , 641-58 



Music and the Jesuit Mission in the New World "X* 1 7 



This growth continued throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 
especially within the Marian Congregations, the academic defenses, and the 
school dramas of the Jesuit colleges throughout Europe and the mission lands 
as well. 

Jesuit Catechisms 

Recent scholarship on the musical tradition within the Society of Jesus 
has been handicapped by the dearth of musical scores. All along, scholars have 
been able to identify large numbers of texts that were set to music, including 
carmina, odes, choruses for the dramas, even complete dramas, as well as the 
lauda texts, or sacred texts used in the singing of Christian doctrine. It is only 
recently that more of the musical scores associated with various Jesuit apostol- 
ic endeavors have begun to emerge as objects of study. In fact, a large number 
of musical prints have now been identified as belonging to the Jesuit musical 
tradition, and many are particularly germane to the teaching of Christian doc- 
trine. Included among the catechetical works are non-liturgical pieces belong- 
ing to a genre from the early-modern period referred to as the spiritual madri- 
gal. These texts are usually in the vernacular, not in Latin. 

The teaching of Christian doctrine as part of the Jesuit enterprise dates 
at least from Ignatius of Loyola's pilgrim years. Well before the official approval 
of the order, Ignatius was teaching catechism in Alcala in 1526 and 1527, and the 
early Jesuits' concerns about this work are well documented by John O'Malley. 
Father Diego Ledesma's Modo per insegnar of 1573 is the first known work within 
a long line of Jesuit catechetical manuals extending into the eighteenth centu- 
ry. 13 This work also deals explicitly with the practices of intoning the catechism, 
as well as singing the spiritual laude that were used to plant and reinforce the 
elements of Christian doctrine in the ears and hearts of those to whom the Je- 
suits ministered. In the second half of the sixteenth century, the laude books of 
the Oratorian Fathers in Rome seem to have captured the attention of the Je- 
suits. Their interest resulted in the publication of works that not only were cat- 
echetical in nature but also constituted sacred poetic texts set to music. These 
manuals explained the musical possibilities of chanting the catechism; they also 
taught a simple, homophonic (chordal) singing of the laude employing one to 
four voices 

Ledesma's work was obviously influenced by the 1563 publication of the 
II primo libro delle laudi by the Italian composer Giovanni Animuccia (1520-71). 



13 Giacomo Ledesma, Modo per insegnar la Dottrina Cristiana[. . .] (Rome: Eredi 
di A. Blado, 1573). 



i8 * T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. 



Ledesma's emphasis on simple chanting and equally simple harmonizations for 
the lauda texts may well have influenced Animuccia's return to a more simple 
style of singing in his Terzo lihro delle laudi of 1577. Animuccia had published his 
second book of laudi in 1570, which he evidently intended for the use of profes- 
sional musicians. In the dedication of the volume, Animuccia referred to the 
change in clientele at the oratory and relates how the oratory was filled with 
"prelates and the most important of gentlemen." 14 If the Oratorians in Rome 
were moving toward a more professional musical organization, as the Second 
Book of 1570 seems to indicate, why did they return to a simpler musical style 
in 1577? Possibly the influence and success of Jesuit catechetical work through- 
out Italy during this period prompted Animuccia's return to a more accessible 
style in the Third Book of 1577. Although Animuccia's Third Book is an important 
source for virtually all of the publications of laude and madrigali spirituali of ei- 
ther order throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, not all the 
pieces in this book are by Animuccia. This may be a further result of the conflu- 
ence and cross-influence of both orders' endeavors. 

Ledesma's Modo per insegnar consists of a lengthy preface with thirty-three 
separate chapters that explain the approaches to the teaching of Christian doc- 
trine. In addition to providing the apostolic reasons that justify the publication 
of this volume, Ledesma discusses musical method at great length, going far be- 
yond his explanation of the usefulness of music as an apostolic tool. The first 
hint at music is in chapter 3, where he considers those who will benefit from the 
manual: groups of young people as well as the general population. Furthermore, 
he notes how they "will be reading, questioning, exhorting, repeating, singing, 
and [doing] other things in the manner that follows." 15 More than eight of the re- 
maining chapters deal explicitly with the music and singing. Ledesma address- 
es the issue of borrowing tunes from a profane repertory and refashioning them 
with spiritual texts, as well as collecting sacred tunes. He delineates the areas 
where singing maybe "useful and pleasant," including the various parts of the cat- 
echism, the prayers, the laudi and the other chant intonations. In all of this, he 



14 Howard E. Smither, A History of the Oratorio (University of North Carolina 
Press, 1977), 1:50. 

15 T. Frank Kennedy, S.J., "Some Unusual Genres of Sacred Music in the Early 
Modern Period: The Catechism as a Musical Event in the Later Renaissance — Jesuits 
and 'Our Way of Proceeding,' " in Early Modern Catholicism: Essays in Honour of John 
W. O'Malley, S.J., edited by Kathleen M. Comerford and Hilmar M. Pabel (Toronto: 
University of Toronto Press, 2001), 266-79. 



Music and the Jesuit Mission in the New World /!• 1 9 

refers to music as the pescatrice di anime, the "fisher of souls," an epithet for music 
first used by Philip Neri, the founder of the Oratory. 16 

The style of the music is the subject of chapter 8. Ledesma describes how 
the song should proceed (simply and in a straightforward manner), and how 
it should be taught (with many repetitions for those who need it, using the 
brightest students to help with the repetitions for those who are not so bright). 
Ledesma also notes further on that the tune is as important as musical style; 
otherwise the doctrine can seem "^ ™-"—— ^^~^~^^~^^"~ 
cold and uninviting. He ends the By the end of the sixteenth century 

book with an offering of versetti the Jesuits were modifying those texts 
to be sung while the children pro- to aim at a more radical renewal by 

cess through the streets, in order encouraging a direct and personal 

to attract even more people to experience of the Christ of the Gospels. 
learn the catechism. He also in- ■^~^^ — ^^-^^^^— ^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
eludes the rules on how to chant the common parts of the catechism, including 
the usual prayers (Pater Noster, Ave Maria, Gloria Patri, Credo, and the like) in 
a texture of one to four voices; included also are a number of useful songs and 
rhymes to be sung between the catechism exercises, emphasizing aspects of 
doctrine. 

Jesuits and Oratorians 

II Modo per insegnar was the first of a series of works that deserve further 
and more systematic research as well as bibliographical attention. Increasingly, 
as scholars have observed the serious commitment of the Jesuits to the teach- 
ing of Christian doctrine in these many volumes, they have also noted their 
pedagogical excellence, and consequently the significant success of these works 
as apostolic tools. In addition to the 1573 printing of Modo per insegnar, at least 
twelve more publications, and these only from the north of Italy, are connect- 
ed with Jesuit catechetical practices during the years 1576-1661. Giovanni Ani 



16 Jesuit-founded Confraternities of Christian Doctrine after 1539 drew on 
the model established by Castellino da Castello, a diocesan priest of Como, in the 
Oratory of Sts. Philip and James in Milan. See Pietro Tacchi Venturi, Storia della 
Compagnia di Gesu in Italia (Rome: Civilta Cattolica, 1950), 340-343. In several early 
prints of music for the Roman Oratory, the dedications to Neri refer to his own ref- 
erence to musica as "pescatrice di anime." See F. Mompellio, "San Filippo Neri e la 
musica, 'pescatrice di anime,' " in Chigiana (Florence: Olschki, 1956), 12: NS2, 3-33. 



2o * T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. 



muccia's Third Book ofLaude of 1577, in its return to a simpler style, marks the 
beginning of a large series of works published throughout Italy, associated with 
both the Jesuits and the Oratorians, and specifically related to Oratorian and 
Jesuit spiritual practices. The Oratorians used the music for their group-prayer 
meetings, while the Jesuits employed many of the same laudi and madrigali spir- 
ituali to establish and reinforce within their apostolic endeavors the tenets of 
Christian doctrine and the catechism. In other words, the Jesuit books seem 
to be more immediately concerned with function and effect. Jesuits were not 
opposed to adding verses to the laude that were newly composed. Rather than 
being simply pious, they freque**itly revealed sentiments that were quite clearly 
triumphalistic or contained more of a Counter-Reform sentiment. The didac- 
tic nature of the Jesuit catechisms was more clearly focused than those of the 

Oratorians. and continued to be so 

„_. r , , . . 1 A .at least well into the seventeenth 

The image of the sophisticated Antonio 

century. 
Vieira preaching in the Jesuit Church 

(now the cathedral) in Salvador de If the influence of 

Bahia, amidst the elegant art and Pl f P Neri ' s 0rat j or > r in the 155 ° s 

. , 7 . . r 7 , . „ and 1560s caused the Jesuits to 

musical traditions of the Jesuit college, . . , r . 

begin the practice or singing spiri- 

speak volumes about the approach to , j • 1 7 j \ *.i» u 

r rr tuai madrigals or Laude at the be- 

mission using the fine arts in the Old ginning of and in between the rec _ 
Society, where literature, rhetoric, itations of the catechism, then the 

poetry, art, and music all communicate final stage of this adaptation can 
the same Gospel message. be seen in the 1608 collection of 

Lodi et canzonette spirituali pub- 
lished by Tarquinio Longo in Na- 
ples, where either a part of the catechism (or the whole thing) could be sung 
as one long strophic lauda. 17 This vast collection of laude represents the ulti- 
mate conjoining of two separate musical traditions associated with the pop- 
ular spiritual exercises of both religious orders. Certainly one of the largest 
collections of laude that were ever printed, it contains 329 texts, while there 
are 43 examples of texts and music printed as models for the various types of 
religious poetry that may be set to music. Twenty of these printed musical 
examples are scattered throughout the volume to demonstrate the various ex- 
amples of text setting. In all, thirty-one types of text are offered with musical 
settings, though only twenty appear with printed notation. 



17 As is evident from the various bibliographic entries, the singular and plural 
forms lauda, laude also occur as laude, laudi, and, of course, lode, lodi as well. 



Music and the Jesuit Mission in the New World # 2 1 



All of the printed musical examples are in a simple style, but great atten- 
tion is given to the metrical and rhythmic schemes of these various texts, all of 
which may have a simple, homophonic musical vesture. Great detail is provid- 
ed in order to set as many different lengths of line to music as possible. A fur- 
ther twenty-three musical prints called Arie antiche are included at the end of 
the volume, and may be sung in harmony of up to three voices. The last three 
so-called arie are, in fact, settings of the litanice, two for the Litany of the Saints, 
and one for the Blessed Virgin. After the final section of the Arie antiche are list- 
ed thirteen tones to use for singing the prose doctrines of the catechism, includ- 
ing all the basic prayers. The impression one is left with is incredible attention 
to detail. 

Conclusion: A Theological Perspective 

It is fascinating to consider the Jesuit mission vis-a-vis the fine and per- 
forming arts from a theological perspective. The early generations of Je- 
suit theologians provided an underpinning for the arts that was first of 
all grounded in the experience of the Spiritual Exercises. The principal insight 
that God is at work in all things permeated the theological reflection of theo- 
logians like Juan Maldonado (1533-83), Luis de Molina (1535-1600), Jose de 
Acosta (1540-1600), Robert Bellarmine (1542-1621), Francisco Suarez (1548- 
1617), and the Lisbon-born but Brazilian-educated Antonio Vieira (1608-97). 
Common theological threads shared among these men helped to establish a 
mode of being as Jesuits that quite naturally flowed into every apostolic ven- 
ture, as well as every corner of the Jesuit world. The early Jesuits looked more 
towards the Gospel rather than medieval theology for their apostolic inspi- 
ration; serious theological reflection stemming from that perspective, there- 
fore, created an openness to creation where God was to be found working in 
all times, places, and events. 

Perhaps the most disputed theological position of this early period that 
exemplifies the direction of the Society was the tension between the reality of 
God's omnipotence and human freedom. On this the Jesuits consistently came 
down on the side of human freedom, as exemplified in the De auxiliis debates, 
where Luis de Molina's works very much informed the discussion and, in fact, 
led to the development of probabilism. Probabilism held that it is permissible 
to follow a probable (or arguable) opinion, even though the more restrictive op- 
posing view is more probable (or arguable). In the late-sixteenth and early-sev- 
enteenth century, casuistry, generally speaking, developed as a method of de- 



22 * T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. 



fining moral theology. But it developed by contending that so long as a moral 
opinion is reasonable, one does not need to follow a more strict opinion. In 
short, Jesuit morality sought right action and the freedom of the conscience at 
the same time. This rootedness in the freedom of the human person allowed for 
that special development of the studia humanitatis in the Jesuit context. 

If the early Jesuit theologians looked backward to apostolic times, as Ig- 
natius did, to recover the sense of mission to which he and his band were called, 
the writings of men like Juan Maldonado in Commentarii in quatuor Evangelis- 
tas likewise gave precedence to A Scripture and the Patristic tradition. 18 These 
more ancient apostolic sources allowed Maldonado to de-emphasize the ques- 
tions of the medieval philosophers and theologians that for him manifested, 
in any case, quibbling language and arcane Latin. While Robert Bellarmine is 
sometimes remembered as a dour figure of the Counter- Reformation, there are 
other facets of the man as theologian that certainly encouraged and in a direct 
fashion supported the Society's use of music. Bellarmine himself had training 
in music, as is obvious in the autograph copy of his Sermones I, 494V.; here he 
quotes both the music and text of his own lauda, "Se questa valle di miserie pi- 
ene." By examining the Bellarmine laude, one can uncover a process of free bor- 
rowing, with new music and new text added to older verses, a practice that not 
only aimed at reclaiming the ancient tradition of apostolic and patristic times 
but also moved the listener to a more active participation in a post-Tridentine 
spirit by focusing on themes of the birth, virtue, passion, and death of Christ. 
These catechetical texts by Bellarmine are in contrast to the Oratorian texts, 
which are much more frequently centered on the life of the Virgin Mary. In oth- 
er words, while the Oratorians produced volumes of pious catechetical texts, by 
the end of the sixteenth century the Jesuits were modifying those texts to aim 
at a more radical renewal by encouraging a direct and personal experience of the 
Christ of the Gospels. 

Jose de Acosta and Antonio Vieira are likewise interesting figures in the pres- 
ent context because both enjoyed international reputations as theologians, and 
both are principally associated with the Jesuit missions in Latin America of the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In reading Acosta's famous Natural and Mor- 
al History of the Indies (1590), we cannot help but note the detail with which Acosta 



l8 Juan de Maldonado, Commentarii in quatuor Evangelist as: Nunc primum in lu- 
cem editi, & in duos tomos (Pont-a-Mousson: Stephani Mercatoris, 1596). 



Music and the Jesuit Mission in the New World ^r 23 

describes the ritual practices of the Indians. 19 He pays particular attention to the 
way the indigenous peoples use music in their ritual. Although it is difficult to get 
a sense from his writing of what the music actually sounded like, we might think it 
must have sounded very similar to Western sacred music used for ritual, since he 
effectively describes the music as a tool of the ritual, without noting anything un- 
usual about it. Acosta so naturally sensed music as a vehicle for the divine that it 
was easy for him to understand the principles operating in the indigenous music 
of ritual. We are ultimately not surprised, then, that the first Jesuits in Brazil used 
Indian melodies with new added Christian texts as part of the earliest catechesis. 20 
Reflecting on the power of music, we are also not surprised that there were fierce 
arguments among the Jesuits whether it was safe to adopt and adapt these Indian 
tunes. What meanings and emotions were the Jesuits tapping into by using these 
melodies? The method and use of music as a template for mission is what is extraor- 
dinary here. The adaptation of the template reveals the honing of the mission to the 
Christian message. 

Though born in Portugal, Antonio Vieira was a person who lived in the New 
World and spoke to both the New and Old. Vieira was a missionary, orator, diplomat, 
and writer who had intense interests in daiming Indian rights and racial tolerance, as 
well as toleration for Jewish converts. His interest in the question of toleration of Jew- 
ish converts in the Church brought him in 1668 to Rome, where he succeeded in secur- 
ing at least temporary toleration for the converted Jews. While in Rome, he became 
chaplain to Queen Christina of Sweden (1626-89), one °f th e most active musical pa- 
trons in Rome at the time. (Christina abdicated the Swedish throne in 1654 upon be- 
coming a Catholic, moved to Rome, into apartments in the Vatican no less, and became 
a major influence in late-seventeenth-century Rome.) Vieira had the soul of an artist 
and the energy of a firebrand. The image of the sophisticated Antonio Vieira preaching 
in the Jesuit Church (now the cathedral) in Salvador de Bahia, amidst the elegant art 
and musical traditions of the Jesuit college, speak volumes about the approach to mis- 
sion using the fine arts in the Old Society, where literature, rhetoric, poetry, art, and mu- 
sic all communicate the same Gospel message. 



19 See Jose de Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies, ed. Jane E. Man- 
gan (Duke University Press, 2002), 274, 302 f., 374 f. 
2 °Castagna, "Use of Music," 643-45. 



24 * T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. 



Appendix 

Apart from the music for the catechism, the works I have discussed in this arti- 
cle are recorded and available. There are a couple of options for each of the par- 
ticular works, except for the works by Chiara Margarita Cozzolani. 

The Psalms 

Les Chemins du Baroque -JBolivie, K.617027. Domenico Zipoli, Vepres De San Ignacio, En- 
semble Elyma, Gabriel Garridp, Director. This disc forms part of a series of record- 
ings of music from the Jesuit Reductions of Chiquitos in Bolivia. It includes two of 
the psalms, 111 Beatus Vir and 112 Laudate Pueri, discussed above. The Beatus Vir is 
by Zipoli, and the Laudate Pueri is by Chiara Margarita Cozzolani in its eighteenth 
century, Chiquitos' version. 

Channel Classics, CCS SA 22105. Bolivian Baroque: Baroque Music from the Missions of 
Chiquitos and Moxos Indians, Florilegium, Ashley Solomon, Director. This more re- 
cent recording includes a recording of Zipoli's Beatus Vir. 

Musica Omnia mooi03, Chiara Margarita Cozzolani, Vespro delta Beata Vergine, Mag- 
nificat, Warren Stewart, Director. This recording contains the Laudate Pueri in its 
original 1650 version, as it was published in Europe before being sent to the New 
World. 

The Opera San Ignacio 

Les Chemins du Baroque - Bolivie, K. 617065. San Ignacio, L'Opera perdu des missions Je- 
suites de VAmazonle, Ensemble Elyma, Gabriel Garrido, Director. 

Dorian Recordings, DOR-93243. The Jesuit Operas: Operas by Kapsherger & Zipoli/ 'Schmid/ 
Anonymous, Ensemble Abendmusik, James David Christie, Director. 

Regina Caeli 

Cascavelle, VEL 1030. Marc-Antoine Charpentier Vepres aux Jesuites, Ensemble Vocal de 
Lausanne, Ensemble baroque LArpa Festante, Munich, Michel Corboz, Director. 
The Regina Caeli by Charpentier is set in this recording within a vesper service by 
the composer. 

Angel Records (Veritas), B0000IG3G. _Charpentier: Grace et Grandeurs de la Vierge, Les 
Demoiselles de Sant-Cyr, Emmanuel Mandarin, Director. 



Past Issues: Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits 

(For prices, see inside back cover.) 

1/1 Sheets, Profile of the Contemporary Jesuit (Sept. 1969) 

1/2 Ganss, Authentic Spiritual Exercises: History and Terminology (Nov. 1969) 

2/1 Burke, Institution and Person (Feb. 1970) 

2/2 Futrell, Ignatian Discernment (Apr. 1970) 

2/3 Lonergan, Response of the Jesuit as Priest and Apostle (Sept. 1970) 

3/1 Wright, Grace of Our Founder and the Grace of Our Vocation (Feb. 1971) 

3/2 O'Flaherty, Some Reflections on Jesuit Commitment (Apr. 1971) 

3/4 Toner, A Method for Communal Discernment of God's Will (Sept. 1971) 

3/5 Sheets, Toward a Theology of the Religious Life (Nov. 1971) 

4/1 Knight, St. Ignatius' Ideal of Poverty (Jan. 1972) — Out of Print 

4/2 Two Discussions: I. Spiritual Direction, II. Leadership and Authority (Mar. 1972) 

4/3 Orsy, Some Questions about the Purpose and Scope of the General Congregation 

(June 1972) 
4/4 Ganss, Wright, O'Malley, O'Donovan, Dulles, On Continuity and Change: A Sym- 
posium (Oct. 1972) 
4/5 Futrell, Communal Discernment: Reflections on Experience (Nov. 1972) — Out OF 
Print 
5/1-2 O'Flaherty, Renewal: Call and Response (Jan. -Mar. 1973) 
5/3 Arrupe, McNaspy, The Place of Art in Jesuit Life (Apr. 1973) 
5/4 Haughey, The Pentecostal Thing and Jesuits (June 1973) 
5/5 Orsy, Toward a Theological Evaluation of Communal Discernment (Oct. 1973) 
6/1-2 Padberg, The General Congregations of the Society of Jesus: A Brief Survey of Their 
History (Jan.-Mar. 1974) — Out of Print 
6/3 Knight, Joy and Judgment in Religious Obedience (Apr. 1974) 
6/4 Toner, The Deliberation That Started the Jesuits (June 1974) — Out of Print 
6/5 Schmitt, The Christ-Experience and Relationship Fostered in the Spiritual Exercises 

of St. Ignatius of Loyola (Oct. 1974) — Out of Print 
7/1 Wright, Ganss, Orsy, On Thinking with the Church Today (Jan. 1975) 
7/2 Ganss, Christian Life Communities from the Sodalities (Mar. 1975) 
7/3 Connolly, Contemporary Spiritual Direction: Scope and Principles (June 1975) 
7/4 Clarke, Ignatian Spirituality and Societal Consciousness; Orsy, Faith and Justice: 

Some Reflections (Sept. 1975) — Out of Print 
7/5 Buckley, The Confirmation of a Promise; Padberg, Continuity and Change in Gen- 
eral Congregation XXXII (Nov. 1975) 
8/1 O'Neill, Acatamiento: Ignatian Reverence (Jan. 1976) 
8/2-3 De la Costa, Sheridan, and others, On Becoming Poor: A Symposium on Evangeli- 
cal Poverty (Mar-May 1976) 
8/4 Faricy, Jesuit Community: Community of Prayer (Oct. 1976) 
8/5 Buckley, Jesuit Priesthood: Its Meaning and Commitments (Dec. 1976) — Out OF 
Print 
9/1-2 Becker, Changes in U.S. Jesuit Membership, 1958-75; Others, Reactions and Expla- 



nations (Jan. -Mar. 1977) 
9/3 Harvanek, The Reluctance to Admit Sin (May 1977) — Out of Print 
9/4 Connolly, Land, Jesuit Spiritualities and the Struggle for Social Justice (Sept. 

1977). 
9/5 Gill, A Jesuit's Account of Conscience (Nov. 1977) 

10/1 Kammer, "Burn-Out" — Dilemma for the Jesuit Social Activist (Jan. 1978) 
10/2-3 Barry, Birmingham, Connolly, Fahey, Finn, Gill, Affectivity and Sexuality (Mar.- 
May 1978)— Out of Print 
10/4 Harvanek, Status of Obedience in the Society of Jesus; Others, Reactions to Con- 
nolly-Land (Sept. 1978) 
10/5 Padberg, Personal Experience and the Spiritual Exercises: The Example of Saint Ig- 
natius (Nov. 1978) — Out of Print 
11/1 Clancy, Feeling Bad about Feeling Good (Jan. 1979) 

11/2 Maruca, Our Personal Witness as Power to Evangelize Culture (Mar. 1979) 
11/3 Klein, American Jesuits and the Liturgy (May 1979) 
11/4 Buckley, Mission in Companionship (Sept. 1979) — Out of Print 
11/5 Conwell, The Kamikaze Factor: Choosing Jesuit Ministries (Nov. 1979) 
12/1 Clancy, Veteran Witnesses: Their Experience of Jesuit Life (Jan. 1980) — Out OF 

Print 
12/2 Henriot, Appleyard, Klein, Living Together in Mission: A Symposium on Small Ap- 
ostolic Communities (Mar. 1980) 
12/3 Conwell, Living and Dying in the Society of Jesus (May 1980) 
13/1 Peter, Alcoholism in Jesuit Life (Jan. 1981) 
13/2 Begheyn, A Bibliography on St. Ignatius' Spiritual Exercises (Mar. 1981) — Out OF 

Print 
13/3 Ganss, Towards Understanding the Jesuit Brothers' Vocation (May 1981) 
13/4 Reites, St. Ignatius of Loyola and the Jews (Sept. 1981) 

13/5 O'Brien, The Jesuits and Catholic Higher Education (Nov. 1981) — Out of Print 
14/1 O'Malley, The Jesuits, St. Ignatius, and the Counter Reformation (Jan. 1982) 
14/2 Dulles, St. Ignatius and Jesuit Theological Tradition (Mar. 1982) 
14/3 Robb, Conversion as a Human Experience (May 1982) — Out of Print 
14/4 Gray, An Experience in Ignatian Government (Sept. 1982) 
14/5 Ivern, The Future of Faith and Justice: Review of Decree Four (Nov. 1982) 
15/1 O'Malley, The Fourth Vow in Its Ignatian Context (Jan. 1983) 
15/2 Sullivan and Faricy, On Making the Spiritual Exercises for Renewal of Jesuit 
Charisms (Mar. 1983) 
15/3-4 Padberg, The Society True to Itself: A Brief History of the 32nd General Congrega- 
tion of the Society of Jesus (May-Sept. 1983) 
15/5-16A Tetlow, Jesuits' Mission in Higher Education (Nov. 1983- Jan. 1984) 
16/2 O'Malley, To Travel to Any Part of the World: Jeronimo Nadal and the Jesuit Voca- 
tion (Mar. 1984) 
16/3 O'Hanlon, Integration of Christian Practices: A Western Christian Looks East (May 
1984) 



16/4 Carlson, "A Faith Lived Out of Doors": Ongoing Formation (Sept. 1984) 
17/1 Spohn, St. Paul on Apostolic Celibacy and the Body of Christ (Jan. 1985) 
17/2 Daley, "In Ten Thousand Places": Christian Universality and the Jesuit Mission 

(Mar. 1985) 
17/3 Tetlow, Dialogue on the Sexual Maturing of Celibates (May 1985) 
17/4 Spohn, Coleman, Clarke, Henriot, Jesuits and Peacemaking (Sept. 1985) 
17/5 Kinerk, When Jesuits Pray: A Perspective on the Prayer of Apostolic Persons (Nov. 

1985) 
18/1 Gelpi, The Converting Jesuit (Jan. 1986). 

18/2 Beirne, Compass and Catalyst: The Ministry of Administration. (Mar. 1986) 
18/3 McCormick, Bishops as Teachers and Jesuits as Listeners (May 1986) 
18/4 McDermott, With Him, In Him: Graces of the Spiritual Exercises (Sept. 1986) — 

Out of Print 
18/5 Tetlow, The Transformation of Jesuit Poverty (Nov. 1986). 
19/1 Staudenmaier, United States Technology and Adult Commitment (Jan. 1987) 
19/2 Appleyard, Languages We Use: Talking about Religious Experience (Mar. 1987) 
19/4 Haight, Foundational Issues in Jesuit Spirituality (Sept. 1987) — Out of Print 
19/5 Endean, Who Do You Say Ignatius Is? Jesuit Fundamentalism and Beyond (Nov. 

1987) 
20/1 Brackley, Downward Mobility: Social Implications of St. Ignatius's Two Standards 

(Jan. 1988) 
20/2 Padberg, How We Live Where We Live (Mar. 1988) 

20/3 Hayes, Padberg, Staudenmaier, Symbols, Devotions, and Jesuits (May 1988) 
20/4 McGovern, Jesuit Education and Jesuit Spirituality (Sept. 1988) 
20/5 Barry, Jesuit Formation Today: An Invitation to Dialogue and Involvement (Nov. 

1988) 
21/1 Wilson, Where Do We Belong? United States Jesuits and Their Memberships (Jan. 

1989) 
21/2 Demoustier, Calvez, et al., The Disturbing Subject: The Option for the Poor (Mar. 

1989) 
21/3 Soukup, Jesuit Response to the Communication Revolution (May 1989) 
21/5 Past and Present Seminar Members, Jesuits Praying: Personal Reflections (Nov. 

1989)— Out of Print 
22/1 Carroll, The Spiritual Exercises in Everyday Life (Jan. 1990) 
22/2 Bracken, Jesuit Spirituality from a Process Prospective (March 1990) 
22/3 Shepherd, Fire for a Weekend: An Experience of the Exercises (May 1990) 
22/4 O'Sullivan, Trust Your Feelings, but Use Your Head (Sept. 1990) 
22/5 Coleman, A Company of Critics: Jesuits and the Intellectual Life (Nov. 1990) 
23/1 Houdek, The Road Too Often Traveled (Jan. 1991) 
23/3 Begheyn and Bogart, A Bibliography on St. Ignatius's Spiritual Exercises (May 

1991) 
23/4 Shelton, Reflections on the Mental Health of Jesuits (Sept. 1991) 
23/5 Toolan, "Nature Is a Heraclitean Fire" (Nov. 1991) 



24/1 Houdek, Jesuit Prayer and Jesuit Ministry: Context and Possibilities (Jan. 1992) 

24/2 Smolich, Testing the Water: Jesuits Accompanying the Poor (March 1992) 

24/3 Hassel, Jesus Christ Changing Yesterday, Today, and Forever (May 1992) 

24/4 Shelton, Toward Healthy Jesuit Community Living (Sept. 1992) 

24/5 Cook, Jesus' Parables and the Faith That Does Justice (Nov. 1992) 

25/3 Padberg, Ignatius, the Popes, and Realistic Reverence (May 1993) 

25/4 Stahel, Toward General Congregation 34 (Sept. 1993) 

25/5 Baldovin, Christian Liturgy: An Annotated Bibliography (Nov. 1993) 

26/2 Murphy, The Many Ways of Justice (March 1994) 

26/3 Staudenmaier, To Fall in Love with the World (May 1994) 

26/5 Landy, Myths That Shape Ub (Nov. 1994) 

27/1 Daley, "To Be More like Christ" (Jan. 1995) 

27/2 Schmidt, Portraits and Landscapes (March 1995) 

27/3 Stockhausen, I'd Love to, but I Don't Have the Time (May 1995) 

27/4 Anderson, Jesuits in Jail, Ignatius to the Present (Sept. 1995) 

27/5 Shelton, Friendship in Jesuit Life (Nov. 1995) 

28/1 Begheyn, Bibliography on the History of the Jesuits (Jan. 1996) 

28/3 Clooney, In Ten Thousand Places, in Every Blade of Grass (May 1996) 

28/4 Starkloff, "As Different As Night and Day" (Sept. 1996) 

28/5 Beckett, Listening to Our History (Nov. 1996) 

29/1 Hamm, Preaching Biblical Justice (Jan. 1997) 

29/2 Padberg, The Three Forgotten Founders (March 1997) 

29/3 Byrne, Jesuits and Parish Ministry (May 1997) 

29/4 Keenan, Are Informationes Ethical? (Sept. 1997) 

29/5 Ferlita, The Road to Bethlehem— Is It Level or Winding? (Nov. 1997) 

30/1 Shore, The Vita Christi ofLudolph of Saxony and Its Influence on the Spiritual Ex- 
ercises of Ignatius of Loyola (Jan. 1998) 

30/2 Starkloff, "I'm No Theologian, but... (or So...)?" (March 1998) 

30/3 Torrens, The Word That Clamors (May 1998) 

30/4 Petrik, "Being Sent" (Sept. 1998) 

30/5 Jackson, "One and the Same Vocation" (Nov. 1998) 

31/1 Clifford, Scripture and the Exercises (Jan. 1999) 

31/2 Toohig, Physics Research, a Search for God (March 1999) 

31/3 Fagin, Fidelity in the Church — Then and Now (May 1999) 

31/4 Schineller, Pilgrim Journey of Ignatius (Sept. 1999) 

31/5 Fullam, Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society (Nov. 1999) 

32/1 Langan, The Good of Obedience in a Culture of Autonomy (Jan. 2000) 

32/2 Blake, Listen with Your Eyes (March 2000) 

32/3 Shelton, When a Jesuit Counsels Others (May 2000) 

32/4 Barry, Past, Present, and Future (Sept. 2000) 

32/5 Starkloff, Pilgrimage Re-envisioned (Nov. 2000) 

33/1 Kolvenbach et al., Faith, Justice, and American Jesuit Higher Education (Jan. 
2001) 



33/2 Keenan, Unexpected Consequences: Persons's Christian Directory (March 2001 ) 

33/3 Arrupe, Trinitarian Inspiration of the Ignatian Charism (May 2001) 

33/4 Veale, Saint Ignatius Asks, "Are You Sure You Know Who I Am?" (Sept. 2001) 

33/5 Barry and Keenan, How Multicultural Are We? (Nov. 2001) 

34/1 Blake, "City of the Living God" (Jan. 2002) 

34/2 Clooney, A Charism for Dialog (March 2002) 

34/3 Rehg, Christian Mindfulness (May 2002) 

34/4 Brackley, Expanding the Shrunken Soul (Sept. 2002) 

34/5 Bireley, The Jesuits and Politics in Time of War (Nov. 2002) 

35/1 Barry, Jesuit Spirituality for the Whole of Life (Jan. 2003) 

35/2 Madden/ Janssens, The Training of Ours in the Sacred Liturgy (March 2003) 

35/4 Modras, A Jesuit in the Crucible (Sept. 2003) 

35/5 Lucas, Virtual Vessels, Mystical Signs (Nov. 2003) 

36/1 Rausch, Christian Life Communities for Jesuit University Students? (Spring 

2004) 

36/2 Bernauer, The Holocaust and the Search for Forgiveness (Summer 2004) 

36/3 Nantais, "Whatever!" Is Not Ignatian Indifference (Fall 2004) 

36/4 Lukacs, The Incarnational Dynamic of the Constitutions (Winter 2004) 

37/1 Smolarski, Jesuits on the Moon (Spring 2005) 

37/2 McDonough, Clenched Fist or Open Hands? (Summer 2005) 

37/3 Torrens, Tuskegee Years (Fall 2005) 

37/4 O'Brien, Consolation in Action (Winter 2005) 

38/1 Schineller, In Their Own Words (Spring 2006) 

38/2 Jackson, "Something that happened to me at Manresa" (Summer 2006) 

38/3 Reiser, Locating the Grace of the Fourth Week (Fall 2006) 

38/4 O'Malley, Five Missions of the Jesuit Charism (Winter 2006) 

39/1 McKevitt, Italian Jesuits in Maryland (Spring 2007) 

39/2 Kelly, Loved into Freedom and Service (Summer 2007) 



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